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| Hermann Hesse | Герман Гессе |
| The Glass Bead Game Translated from the German Das Glasperlenspiel by Richard and Clara Winston Foreword by Theodore Ziolkowski 1969 by Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. Foreword By Theodore Ziolkowski THE GLASS BEAD GAME, Hermann Hesse’s last major work, appeared in Switzerland in 1943. When Thomas Mann, then living in California, received the two volumes of that first edition, he was dumbfounded by the conspicuous parallels between Hesse’s “Tentative Sketch of the Life of Magister Ludi Joseph Knecht” and the novel that he himself was writing, Doctor Faustus (1947). For all their differences in mood, style and theme, both works employ a similar fiction: a pleasant though somewhat pompous narrator recounts, with a sympathy matched only by his pedantry, the life of a man whom he loves and admires. Since in each case the narrator is incapable of fully comprehending the problematic genius of his biographical subject, an ironic tension is produced between the limited perspective of the narrator and the fuller vision that he unwittingly conveys to the reader. Both authors were obsessed, in addition, with the self-destructive course of modern civilization, and this concern pervades both novels. But Mann’s view is more immediate. His narrator, Serenus Zeitblom, can see and hear the exploding bombs of World War Two as he writes, and the spectacular career of the composer Adrian Leverkhn parallels with ominous precision the history of Germany from the declining Empire through the shortlived brilliance of the Weimar Republic to the raging madness of National Socialism. In Hesse’s novel, in contrast, that same period is described with the detachment of a narrator looking back at the “Age of the Feuilleton” from a vantage point in the distant future. Unlike Mann’s Leverkhn, Hesse’s Joseph Knecht succeeds in analyzing the dangers of an excessive aestheticism and acts to avert the catastrophe of intellectual irresponsibility. In both novels, finally, the authors slyly weave their experience of our culture into a pastiche of hidden quotations and characters clef. Thomas Mann, immediately sensing that the serious theme of Hesse’s novel was enclosed within “a cunning artistic joke,” recognized the source of its humor in “the parody of biography and the grave scholarly attitude.” But people won’t dare to laugh, he wrote Hesse. “And you will be secretly annoyed at their dead-earnest respect.” Hesse was pleased that his friend had put a finger on the comic aspect of the novel, but Mann’s prediction was correct. In the quarter-century since its publication, The Glass Bead Game has enjoyed the adulation customarily awarded to literary “classics.” Indeed, largely on its merits Hesse received in 1946 the Nobel Prize for which Mann, among others, had repeatedly nominated him. Hesse’s opus magnum was one of the first works by a distinguished emigr to be published in Germany after the war, and it has been regularly reprinted there since 1946. The book was dutifully translated into English, Swedish, French, Spanish, Italian, and other languages. But the novel, whose title has supplied us with one of those imagistically suggestive catchwords for our age, like “the Waste Land” or “the Magic Mountain,” has suffered the fate of many classics — it is less frequently read than cited, more often studied than appreciated. In Germany many readers, blandly ignoring the implicit criticism in the novel, tended to see in Hesse’s cultural province nothing but a welcome Utopian escape from the harsh postwar realities. More discerning European critics have usually been so preoccupied with the fashionably grave implications that they have neither laughed at its humor nor smiled at its ironies. In part these one-sided readings are understandable, for the humor is often hidden in private jokes of the sort to which Hesse became increasingly partial in his later years. The games begin on the title-page, for the motto attributed to “Albertus Secundus” is actually fictitious. Hesse wrote the motto himself and had it translated into Latin by two former schoolmates, who are cited in Latin abbreviation as the editors: Franz Schall (“noise” or Clangor) and Feinhals (“slender neck” or Collo fino). The book is full of this “onomastic comedy” that appealed to Thomas Mann, also a master of the art. Thus Carlo Ferromonte is an italianized form of the name of the author’s nephew, Karl Isenberg, who assisted Hesse with the music history that is interwoven with the history of the Glass Bead Game. The “inventor” of the Game, Bastian Perrot of Calw, gets his name from Heinrich Perrot, the owner of a machine shop where Hesse once worked for a year after he dropped out of school. The figure of Thomas von der Trave is a detailed and easily recognizable portrait of Thomas Mann, who was born in the town of Lbeck on the river Trave. In the person of Fritz Tegularius, Hesse has given us his interpretation of the brilliant but unbalanced character of Friedrich Nietzsche. And Tegularius’ spiritual opponent in the novel, Father Jacobus, borrows some of his words and most of his ideas from Nietzsche’s antagonist, the historian Jakob Burckhardt. The reader who fails to catch these sometimes obscure references is not only missing much of the fun of the book, he is also unaware of its implications in the realm of cultural history and criticism. The reception of The Glass Bead Game in this country has been affected by other factors as well. The book has been available since 1949 under the misleading title Magister Ludi. But if it failed to make an impact, this was due equally to the translation by Mervyn Savill, which fails to bring out its irony, and to the fluctuations of Hesse’s reputation in the United States. Although Hesse’s stature was recognized in Europe (where he was praised by such admirers as Thomas Mann, Andr Gide, and T.S. Eliot) for some thirty years before he received the Nobel Prize, Time magazine noted in 1949 that his works were still virtually unknown here. His eightieth birthday, widely celebrated abroad, passed unnoticed in the United States in 1957. And when Hesse died in 1962, a New York Times obituary stated that he was “largely unapproachable” for American readers. This neglect is due in part to the introspective, lyrical quality of his novels, which depart radically from the more realistic tradition that dominated American fiction between the world wars. But another circumstance is probably more important in accounting for the lack of interest in his works for a good fifteen years after he received the Nobel Prize. Hesse’s novels fictionalize the admonitions of an outsider who urges us to question accepted values, to rebel against the system, to challenge conventional “reality” in the light of higher ideals. For almost two decades after World War Two our society was characterized largely by the button-down-collar mentality of a silent generation whose goal it was to become a part of the establishment and to reap its benefits as rapidly as possible. Such ages have little use for critics of the system and prophets of the ideal. But times have changed, and Hesse has suddenly become — to use a current shibboleth — relevant. But relevance resides in the mind of the perceiver, and the under-thirty generation that has embraced Hesse in the sixties as an underground classic is better known for its rebelliousness than for its sense of irony. As a result, the Hesse cult in the United States has revolved primarily around such painfully humorless works as Demian and Siddhartha, in which readers have discovered an anticipation of their infatuation with Eastern mysticism, pacifism, the search for personal values, and revolt against the establishment. Those who have gone on to Steppenwolf have greeted it as a psychedelic orgy of sex, drugs, and jazz, but have conveniently overlooked the ironic attitude through which those superficial effects are put back into perspective by the author. It was partly as a reaction against such self-indulgent interpretations, which he encountered as much as forty years ago, that Hesse undertook The Glass Bead Game. What is the “Glass Bead Game”? In the idyllic poem “Hours in the Garden” (1936), which he wrote during the composition of his novel, Hesse speaks of “a game of thoughts called the Glass Bead Game” that he practiced while burning leaves in his garden. As the ashes filter down through the grate, he says, “I hear music and see men of the past and future. I see wise men and poets and scholars and artists harmoniously building the hundred-gated cathedral of Mind.” These lines depict as personal experience that intellectual pastime that Hesse, in his novel, was to define as “the unio mystica of all separate members of the Universitas Litterarum” and that he bodied out symbolically in the form of an elaborate Game performed according to the strictest rules and with supreme virtuosity by the mandarins of his spiritual province. This is really all that we need to know. The Glass Bead Game is an act of mental synthesis through which the spiritual values of all ages are perceived as simultaneously present and vitally alive. It was with full artistic consciousness that Hesse described the Game in such a way as to make it seem vividly real within the novel and yet to defy any specific imitation in reality. The humorless readers who complained to Hesse that they had invented the Game before he put it into his novel — Hesse actually received letters asserting this! — completely missed the point. For the Game is of course purely a symbol of the human imagination and emphatically not a patentable “Monopoly” of the mind. The Game, in turn, is the focal point and raison d’tre of an entire province of the spirit called Castalia (from the Parnassian spring sacred to the Muses) and located in an unspecified future. (Hesse has indicated that he thought of his narrator as writing around the beginning of the twenty-fifth century.) But again Hesse makes it clear that he is not predicting a specific utopia but, rather, trying to represent the model of a reality that has actually existed from time to time in such orders as the Platonic academies or yoga schools. It is “a spiritual culture worth living in and serving,” he explained to one correspondent. Castalia, in other words, represents any human institution devoted wholly and exclusively to affairs of the mind and imagination. As such, the spiritual province of the novel constitutes the goal of a search upon which Hesse had been embarked for many years. But this last novel is at the same time the document of an intense personal crisis, for it depicts not only the fulfillment of a long sought ideal, but also its ultimate rejection. Hesse’s literary career parallels the development of modern literature from a fin de sicle aestheticism through expressionism to a contemporary sense of human commitment. Born in the Black Forest town of Calw in 1877, Hesse in his youth reflected the neo-romanticism then prevalent among many writers of his generation in England, France, and Germany. The misty yearnings of his earliest stories and poems display the frank escapism of a young man who is not at all at home in the bourgeois reality of Wilhelmine Germany and who projects his dreams into a romantic kingdom that he locates, according to the title of one work, “An Hour beyond Midnight.” But the success of his first major novel, Peter Camenzind (1904), reconciled the young writer, at least temporarily, with a world that was prepared to bestow upon him the material rewards of literary fame. From aestheticism he shifted to the melancholy realism that marked his next poems and stories as well as the novels Under the Wheel (1906), Gertrude (1910), and Rosshalde (1914). Putting aside his romantic longings, he assumed the role of a settled family man who advocated in his fictions a bittersweet doctrine of renunciation and compromise. But the war brought a radical change. Hesse, who had been living in Switzerland since 1912, found that his outspoken pacifism alienated many of his former friends and readers, who succumbed to the wave of martial exhilaration sweeping over Europe in August of 1914. Meanwhile, family and marital difficulties shattered the illusion of a happy life that he had carefully sought to preserve for some ten years. A lengthy psychoanalytic treatment at the hands of a disciple of Jung in 1916 and 1917 completed his disillusionment with his present state and the process of psychic re-evaluation. Hesse came to the conclusion that he had been living a lie and denying the authentic impulses of his own being. In 1919 he moved to the village of Montagnola, near Lugano in southern Switzerland, where he lived in relative seclusion until his death in 1962. Here he wrote most of the major works for which he has subsequently become famous and in which he sought to discover a more mature ideal of the spirit to replace that “reality” with which he had become disenchanted. In several essays that he wrote around 1920 — most notably in pieces on Nietzsche and Dostoevsky — Hesse argued that men must seek a new morality that, transcending the conventional dichotomy of good and evil, will embrace all extremes of life in one unified vision. A later essay, “A Bit of Theology” (1932), outlines the three-stage progression toward this goal. The child, he says, is born into a state of unity with all being. It is only when the child is taught about good and evil that he advances to a second level of individuation characterized by despair and alienation; for he has been made aware of laws and moral codes, but feels incapable of adhering to the arbitrary standards established by conventional religious or moral systems since they exclude so much of what seems perfectly natural. A few men — like the hero of Siddhartha or those whom Hesse calls “the Immortals” in Steppenwolf — manage to attain a third level of awareness where they are once again capable of accepting all being. But most men are condemned to live on the second level, sustained only by a sense of humor through which they neutralize oppressive reality and by an act of the imagination through which they share from time to time in the kingdom of the Immortals, the realm of spirit. Hesse’s novels trace this struggle in the lives of heroes set against backgrounds from different ages of civilization. In each case the triadic rhythm of development is the same; only the historical circumstances differ. In Demian (1919) the milieu is that of the student generation of the turbulent years immediately preceding World War I. The hero of Siddhartha (1922) progresses through the three stages in the classical India of Buddha. Steppenwolf (1927) ironically depicts the dilemma of a European intellectual confronted with the tawdry pop culture of the twenties, while the dual protagonists of Narcissus and Goldmund (1930) act out their individuation in the waning of the Middle Ages. In the thinly veiled symbolic autobiography of The Journey to the East (1932), finally, the hero joins a League of Journeyers to the East in a timeless present set sometime after “the Great War.” Each novel postulates the possibility of a spiritual kingdom toward which the hero strives, whether he reaches it or not. Castalia is clearly another attempt, this time projected into the future, to represent this same ideal: a symbolic realm where all spiritual values are kept alive and present, specifically through the practice of the Glass Bead Game. In this sense, then, the novel was originally envisaged as yet another variation in Hesse’s continuing search for a spiritual dimension of life, for it depicts a future society in which the realm of Culture is set apart to pursue its goals in splendid isolation, unsullied by the “reality” that Hesse had grown to distrust. The Glass Bead Game was a continuation and intensification in another sense as well. Hesse was aware of the fact that his earlier novels had employed the same basic pattern of individual development against different historical backgrounds. He now decided to incorporate this structural tendency into a single new novel. The idea that came to him, he wrote to a friend in 1945, was “reincarnation as a mode of expression for stability in the midst of flux.” Long before he began writing, he remarks, he had in mind “an individual but supratemporal life… a man who experiences in a series of rebirths the grand epochs in the history of mankind.” The novel, in other words, was to consist of a number of parallel lives, ranging through time, presumably, from the prehistoric past to the remote future. But the emphasis was to be distributed evenly among the parts. “The book is going to contain several biographies of the same man, who lives on earth at different times — or at least thinks that he had such existences,” he wrote to his sister in 1934. Around this time Hesse wrote and published separately three such biographies: one about a prehistoric rainmaker; one set in the Golden Age of India; and a third depicting an episode from the patristic period of the early Christian church. (A fourth life, set among the Pietists of eighteenth-century Swabia, occupied Hesse for almost a year, but was never published during his lifetime.) As we now read the novel in its final form, of course, the arrangement of the parts is different. The biography of Joseph Knecht, which was to have been but the last in a long series of parallel lives, has grown to comprise the twelve central chapters of the book. The history of the Glass Bead Game and the organization of the cultural province are sketched in a lengthy introduction, and the three parallel lives, along with some poems, are added in an appendix as school exercises of young Knecht. Why this shift in plan, which seems to have taken place in the mid-thirties after parts of the book had already been written and published? At first it was simply a matter of expediency. Hesse found that he could best render “the inner reality of Castalia” through the figure of a dominating central figure. “And so Knecht stepped into the center of the narrative.” In fact, in the first three chapters of his biography we get a far clearer idea of the Castalian ideal at its finest than in the narrator’s more abstract introduction. But Joseph Knecht ends by defecting from Castalia, a conclusion that was far from Hesse’s mind when he first dreamed of this new version of the spiritual kingdom and when he wrote the first of the lives. At least two factors contributed to change Hesse’s attitude toward the ideal which he had been striving to portray in so many works for almost twenty years. First, the sheer reality of contemporary events — the disintegration of the Weimar Republic, the rise of Hitler, the horrors of Nazism — opened Hesse’s eyes to the failure of the intellectuals and convinced him of the futility of any spiritual realm divorced wholly from contemporary social reality. His ideal had to give way, he wrote, “under the pressures of the moment.” This is the meaning that emerges clearly from young Knecht’s debates with that emissary from the outside world, Plinio Designori, who argues that a life consecrated exclusively to the mind is not only unfruitful, but also dangerous. Fritz Tegularius, the brilliant scholar who is totally unfit for any position of responsibility in the order, is the living example of the excesses of an aestheticism cultivated in isolation from reality. Secondly, Hesse’s growing uneasiness regarding an absolute spiritual kingdom was substantiated by his study of Burckhardt’s writings. It is Burckhardt, in the person of Father Jacobus, who convinces Knecht-Hesse that even the most perfect spiritual institution, in the eyes of history, is a relative organism. In order to survive it must adapt itself to the social exigencies of the times. The central chapters of the biography, therefore, recapitulate in fictional form Hesse’s own shift from his original belief in a haughty Nietzschean elitism to a more compassionate social consciousness — shaped by Burckhardt’s historicism. The ideological tensions between Knecht, Plinio, and Father Jacobus reflect on the level of character the areas of Culture, State, and Church, whose complex interrelationships Burckhardt investigated in his Observations on World History (a course of lectures delivered in 1870–1871 and posthumously published in 1905). Seen in this light and put into the contemporary idiom, Knecht’s life represents typologically the radicalization of the intellectual, who moves from the vita contemplativa not to the opposite extreme of the vita activa, but to an intermediate position of responsible action controlled by dispassionate reflection. It is essential to understand that Knecht’s defection from Castalia, far from implying any repudiation of the spiritual ideal, simply calls for a new consciousness of the social responsibility of the intellectual. Knecht remains true to his name, which means “servant.” Now his service takes on a fuller meaning. By quitting Castalia, Knecht fulfills two functions. He serves Castalia by warning it, through his example, to forsake its posture of arrogant and self-indulgent autonomy, which can lead ultimately only to its destruction. And he makes a commitment by putting spirit and intellect at the service of the world outside in the person of his pupil, the youth Tito. Knecht’s death has been variously interpreted, and certainly that final scene has symbolic overtones that expand its dimensions. But Hesse made its basic meaning quite clear in a letter of 1947. “He leaves behind a Tito for whom this sacrificial death of a man vastly superior to him will remain forever an admonition and an example.” The spiritual ideal, once attained, has now been put back into the service of life. The Glass Bead Game, then, is indispensable for a complete understanding of Hesse’s thought. It is possible to read Siddhartha as a self-centered pursuit of nirvana, but Joseph Knecht gives up his life out of a sense of commitment to a fellow human being. It is possible to see in Steppenwolf a heady glorification of hip or even hippie culture, but Joseph Knecht shows that the only true culture is that which responds to the social requirements of the times. The Glass Bead Game, finally, makes it clear that Hesse advocates thoughtful commitment over self-indulgent solipsism, responsible action over mindless revolt. For Joseph Knecht is no impetuous radical thrusting non-negotiable demands upon the institution and demanding amnesty from the consequences of his deeds. He attains through disciplined achievement the highest status in the Order and commits himself to action only after thoughtfully assessing its implications for Castalia and the consequences for himself. Above all — for the novel is not a philosophical tract or a political pamphlet, but a work of art — Hesse suggests that revolt need not be irrational and violent, that indeed it is more effective when it is rational and ironic. This is the value of the temporal distance, the double perspective vouchsafed by the fiction. In the Introduction, looking back at our own civilization from the vantage point of the future, we see it in all its glaring self-contradictions. At the same time, we look ahead to the Castalia of the future, where the problems of our age are displayed in a realistic abstraction that permits us to consider them rationally and dispassionately. Castalia has more than a little in common with the intellectual and cultural institutions of the sixties, to the extent that they have become autonomous empires cut off from the social needs of mankind and cultivating their own Glass Bead Games in glorious isolation. And Knecht’s conviction that a State ruled without the tempering influence of Culture is doomed to brutishness reflects a prevalent contemporary concern: our computerized society has become so bureaucratically impersonal that it is no longer guided sufficiently by forces that are in the highest sense humane. The longer we consider Hesse’s novel, the more clearly we realize that it is not a telescope focused on an imaginary future, but a mirror reflecting with disturbing sharpness a paradigm of present reality. All of these considerations justify a new translation of Hesse’s late masterpiece. Our society has caught up with his vision. And Richard and Clara Winston have produced a translation that is eminently usable for this age. I do not mean merely that their translation is “correct” in avoiding the many mistakes of the earlier English version. More important: they have succeeded in catching the sense and style of the book. They realize that with this last novel Hesse shifted his focus from the individual to the institution; hence they have not made the mistake of calling it Magister Ludi, which would suggest that it is simply another German Bildungsroman, a pretty fiction of personal development unrelated to the more general concerns of society. Instead, they have reinstated the title that Hesse gave to the original (Das Glasperlenspiel), which sums up in a word the glory and tragedy of culture in our time. By capturing the monkish tone of the narrator, who repeats himself with clerical pedantry, the translation opens up the irony of the work. For the Castalian self-obsession from which Knecht defects is nowhere more evident than in the smug complacency of the narrator in the Introduction and opening chapters. Ironically, as he learns to appreciate the meaning of Knecht’s life by writing his biography, the narrator assumes a more humane and, in the finest sense, “spiritual” tone, thus vindicating Knecht’s action. Perhaps even the worst translation could not conceal the “message” of Hesse’s novel. But only a subtle, sensitive one can render what Thomas Mann called “the parody of biography and the grave scholarly attitude.” It is easy, too easy, to be sober and grave. That is in fact the most serious shortcoming of Hesse’s most ardent admirers at present. This new translation of The Glass Bead Game offers the American reader the opportunity, as Thomas Mann suggested, to dare to laugh. If parody alone can adequately render the reality of our times, only irony offers us the freedom and detachment that are the essential condition of responsible analysis and action. This is the final aesthetic meaning of The Glass Bead Game. May 1969 THEODORE ZIOLKOWSKI The Glass Bead Game A tentative sketch of the life of Magister Ludi Joseph Knecht together with Knecht’s posthumous writings edited by HERMANN HESSE Dedicated to the Journeyers to the East CONTENTS The Glass Bead Game: A General Introduction to Its History for the Layman The Life of Magister Ludi Joseph Knecht 1 The Call 2 Waldzell 3 Years of Freedom 4 Two Orders 5 The Mission 6 Magister Ludi 7 In Office 8 The Two Poles 9 A Conversation 10 Preparations 11 The Circular Letter 12 The Legend Joseph Knecht’s Posthumous Writings The Poems of Knecht’s Student Years The Three Lives 1 The Rainmaker 2 The Father Confessor 3 The Indian Life THE GLASS BEAD GAME: A GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO ITS HISTORY FOR THE LAYMAN …Non entia enim licet quodammodo levibusque hominibus facilius atque incuriosius verbis reddere quam entia, veruntamen pio diligentique rerum scriptori plane aliter res se habet: nihil tantum repugnat ne verbis illustretur, at nihil adeo necesse est ante hominum oculos proponere ut certas quasdam res, quas esse neque demonstrari neque probari potest, quae contra eo ipso, quod pii diligentesque viri illas quasi ut entia tractant, enti nascendique facultati paululum appropinquant.ALBERTUS SECUNDUS tract. de cristall. spirit. ed. Clangor et Collof. lib. I, cap. 28. In Joseph Knecht’s holograph translation: …For although in a certain sense and for light-minded persons non-existent things can be more easily and irresponsibly represented in words than existing things, for the serious and conscientious historian it is just the reverse. Nothing is harder, yet nothing is more necessary, than to speak of certain things whose existence is neither demonstrable nor probable. The very fact that serious and conscientious men treat them as existing things brings them a step closer to existence and to the possibility of being born. | Игра в бисер Опыт жизнеописания магистра Игры Иозефа Кнехта с приложением оставшихся от него сочинений Паломникам в Страну Востока Опыт общепонятного введения в ее историю …non entia enim licet quodammodo levibusque hominibus facilius atque incuriosius verbis reddere quam entia, verumtamen pio diligentique rerum scriptori plane aliter res se habet: nihil tantum repugnat ne verbis illustretur, at nihil adeo necesse est ante hominum oculos proponere ut certas quasdam res, quas esse neque demonstrari neque probari potest, quae contra eo ipso, quod pii diligentesque viri illas quasi ut entia tractant, enti nascendique facultati paululum appropinquant.ALBERTUS SECUNDUStract. de cristall. spirit. ed. Clangor et Collof. lib. l, cap. 28. В рукописном переводе Иозефа Кнехта: …хотя то, чего не существует на свете, людям легкомысленным в чем-то даже легче и проще выражать словами, чем существующее, для благочестивого и добросовестного историка дело обстоит прямо противоположным образом: нет ничего, что меньше поддавалось бы слову и одновременно больше нуждалось бы в том, чтобы людям открывали на это глаза, чем кое-какие вещи, существование которых нельзя ни доказать, ни счесть вероятным, но которые именно благодаря тому, что благочестивые и добросовестные люди относятся к ним как к чему-то действительно существующему, чуть-чуть приближаются к возможности существовать и рождаться. |
| IT is OUR intention to preserve in these pages what scant biographical material we have been able to collect concerning Joseph Knecht, or Ludi Magister Josephus III, as he is called in the Archives of the Glass Bead Game. We are not unaware that this endeavor runs, or seems to run, somewhat counter to the prevailing laws and usages of our intellectual life. For, after all, obliteration of individuality, the maximum integration of the individual into the hierarchy of the educators and scholars, has ever been one of our ruling principles. And in the course of our long tradition this principle has been observed with such thoroughness that today it is exceedingly difficult, and in many cases completely impossible, to obtain biographical and psychological information on various persons who have served the hierarchy in exemplary fashion. In very many cases it is no longer even possible to determine their original names. The hierarchic organization cherishes the ideal of anonymity, and comes very close to the realization of that ideal. This fact remains one of the abiding characteristics of intellectual life in our Province. | Мы хотим запечатлеть в этой книге те немногие биографические сведения, какие нам удалось добыть об Иозефе Кнехте, именуемом в архивах игры в бисер Ludi magister Josephus III.[1] Мы прекрасно понимаем, что эта попытка в какой-то мере противоречит – во всяком случае, так кажется – царящим законам и обычаям духовной жизни. Ведь один из высших принципов нашей духовной жизни – это как раз стирание индивидуальности, как можно более полное подчинение отдельного лица иерархии Педагогического ведомства и наук. Да и принцип этот, по давней традиции, претворялся в жизнь так широко, что сегодня невероятно трудно, а в иных случаях и вообще невозможно откопать какие-либо биографические и психологические подробности относительно отдельных лиц, служивших этой иерархии самым выдающимся образом; в очень многих случаях не удается установить даже имя. Таково уж свойство духовной жизни нашей Провинции: анонимность – идеал ее иерархической организации, которая к осуществлению этого идеала очень близка. |
| If we have nevertheless persisted in our endeavor to determine some of the facts about the life of Ludi Magister Josephus III, and at least to sketch the outlines of his character, we believe we have done so not out of any cult of personality, nor out of disobedience to the customs, but on the contrary solely in the service of truth and scholarship. It is an old idea that the more pointedly and logically we formulate a thesis, the more irresistibly it cries out for its antithesis. We uphold and venerate the idea that underlies the anonymity of our authorities and our intellectual life. But a glance at the early history of that life of the mind we now lead, namely, a glance at the development of the Glass Bead Game, shows us irrefutably that every phase of its development, every extension, every change, every essential segment of its history, whether it be seen as progressive or conservative, bears the plain imprint of the person who introduced the change. He was not necessarily its sole or actual author, but he was the instrument of transformation and perfection. Certainly, what nowadays we understand by personality is something quite different from what the biographers and historians of earlier times meant by it. For them, and especially for the writers of those days who had a distinct taste for biography, the essence of a personality seems to have been deviance, abnormality, uniqueness, in fact all too often the pathological. We moderns, on the other hand, do not even speak of major personalities until we encounter men who have gone beyond all original and idiosyncratic qualities to achieve the greatest possible integration into the generality, the greatest possible service to the suprapersonal. If we look closely into the matter we shall see that the ancients had already perceived this ideal. The figure of the Sage or Perfect One among the ancient Chinese, for example, or the ideal of Socratic ethics, can scarcely be distinguished from our present ideal; and many a great organization, such as the Roman Church in the eras of its greatest power, has recognized similar principles. Indeed, many of its greatest figures, such as St. Thomas Aquinas, appear to us — like early Greek sculptures — more the classical representatives of types than individuals. | Если мы тем не менее упорно пытались кое-что выяснить о жизни Ludi magistri Josephi III и набросать в общих чертах портрет его личности, то делали мы это не ради культа отдельных лиц и не из неповиновения обычаям, как нам думается, а, напротив, только ради служения истине и науке. Давно известно: чем острее и неумолимее сформулирован тезис, тем настойчивее требует он антитезиса. Мы одобряем и чтим идею, лежащую в основе анонимности наших властей и нашей духовной жизни. Но, глядя на предысторию этой же духовной жизни, то есть на развитие игры в бисер, мы не можем не видеть, что каждая ее фаза, каждая разработка, каждое новшество, каждый существенный сдвиг, считать ли его прогрессивным или консервативным, неукоснительно являют нам хоть и не своего единственного и настоящего автора, но зато самый четкий свой облик как раз в лице того, кто ввел это новшество, став орудием усовершенствования и трансформации. |
| Nevertheless, in the period before the reformation of the intellectual life, a reformation which began in the twentieth century and of which we are the heirs, that authentic ancient ideal had patently come near to being entirely lost. We are astonished when the biographies of those times rather garrulously relate how many brothers and sisters the hero had, or what psychological scars and blotches were left behind from his casting off the skins of childhood and puberty, from the struggle for position and the search for love. We moderns are not interested in a hero’s pathology or family history, nor in his drives, his digestion, and how he sleeps. Not even his intellectual background — the influence upon his development of his favorite studies, favorite reading, and so on — is particularly important to us. For us, a man is a hero and deserves special interest only if his nature and his education have rendered him able to let his individuality be almost perfectly absorbed in its hierarchic function without at the same time forfeiting the vigorous, fresh, admirable impetus which make for the savor and worth of the individual. And if conflicts arise between the individual and the hierarchy, we regard these very conflicts as a touchstone for the stature of a personality. We do not approve of the rebel who is driven by his desires and passions to infringements upon law and order; we find all the more worthy of our reverence the memory of those who tragically sacrificed themselves for the greater whole. | Впрочем, наше сегодняшнее понимание личности весьма отлично от того, что подразумевали под этим биографы и историки прежних времен. Для них, и особенно для авторов тех эпох, которые явно тяготели к форме биографии, самым существенным в той или иной личности были, пожалуй, отклонение от нормы, враждебность ей, уникальность, часто даже патология, а сегодня мы говорим о выдающихся личностях вообще только тогда, когда перед нами люди, которым, независимо от всяких оригинальностей и странностей, удалось как можно полнее подчиниться общему порядку, как можно совершеннее служить сверхличным задачам. Если присмотреться попристальней, то идеал этот был знаком уже древности: образ «мудреца» или «совершенного человека» у древних китайцев, например, или идеал сократовского учения о добродетели почти неотличимы от нашего идеала; да и некоторым крупным духовным корпорациям были знакомы сходные принципы, например римской церкви в эпохи ее подъема, и иные величайшие ее фигуры, скажем святой Фома Аквинский, кажутся нам, наподобие раннегреческих скульптур, скорее классическими представителями каких-то типов, чем конкретными лицами. Однако во времена, предшествовавшие той реформации духовной жизни, которая началась в XX веке и наследниками которой мы являемся, этот неподдельный древний идеал был, видимо, почти целиком утрачен. Мы поражаемся, когда в биографиях тех времен нам подробно излагают, сколько было у героя сестер и братьев и какие душевные раны и рубцы остались у него от прощания с детством, от возмужания, от борьбы за признание, от домогательств любви. Нас, нынешних, не интересуют ни патология, ни семейная история, ни половая жизнь, ни пищеварение, ни сон героя; даже его духовная предыстория, его воспитание при помощи любимых занятий, любимого чтения и так далее не представляют для нас особой важности. Для нас герой и достоин особого интереса лишь тот, кто благодаря природе и воспитанию дошел до почти полного растворения своей личности в ее иерархической функции, не утратив, однако, того сильного, свежего обаяния, в котором и состоят ценность и аромат индивидуума. И если между человеком и иерархией возникают конфликты, то именно эти конфликты и служат нам пробным камнем, показывающим величину личности. Не одобряя мятежника, которого желания и страсти доводят до разрыва с порядком, мы чтим память жертв – фигур воистину трагических. |
| These latter are the heroes, and in the case of these truly exemplary men, interest in the individual, in the name, face, and gesture, seems to us permissible and natural. For we do not regard even the perfect hierarchy, the most harmonious organization, as a machine put together out of lifeless units that count for nothing in themselves, but as a living body, formed of parts and animated by organs which possess their own nature and freedom. Every one of them shares in the miracle of life. In this sense, then, we have endeavored to obtain information on the life of Joseph Knecht, Master of the Glass Bead Game, and especially to collect everything written by himself. We have, moreover, obtained several manuscripts we consider worth reading. | Когда дело идет о героях, об этих действительно образцовых людях, интерес к индивидууму, к имени, к внешнему облику и жесту кажется нам дозволенным и естественным, ибо и в самой совершенной иерархии, в самой безупречной организации мы видим вовсе не механизм, составленный из мертвых и в отдельности безразличных частей, а живое тело, образуемое частями и живущее органами, каждый из которых, обладая своей самобытностью и своей свободой, участвует в чуде жизни. Стараясь поэтому раздобыть сведения о жизни мастера Игры Иозефа Кнехта, в первую очередь все, написанное им самим, мы получили в свое распоряжение ряд рукописей, которые, нам кажется, стоит прочесть. |
| What we have to say about Knecht’s personality and life is surely familiar in whole or in part to a good many members of the Order, especially the Glass Bead Game players, and for this reason among others our book is not addressed to this circle alone, but is intended to appeal more widely to sympathetic readers. | То, что мы собираемся сообщить о личности и жизни Кнехта, многим членам Ордена, особенно занимающимся Игрой, полностью или отчасти, конечно, известно, и хотя бы по этой причине наша книга адресована не только этому кругу и надеется найти благосклонных читателей также и вне его. |
| For the narrower circle, our book would need neither introduction nor commentary. But since we also wish our hero’s life and writings to be studied outside the Order, we are confronted with the somewhat difficult task of prefacing our book with a brief popular introduction, for that less-prepared reader, into the meaning and history of the Glass Bead Game. We stress that this introduction is intended only for popular consumption and makes no claim whatsoever to clarifying the questions being discussed within the Order itself on the problems and history of the Game. The time for an objective account of that subject is still far in the future. | Для того узкого круга нашей книге не понадобилось бы ни предисловия, ни комментария. Но, желая сделать жизнь и сочинения нашего героя достоянием читающей публики и за пределами Ордена, мы берем на себя довольно трудную задачу предпослать книге в расчете на менее подготовленных читателей небольшое популярное введение в суть и в историю игры в бисер. Подчеркиваем, что предисловие это преследует только популяризаторские цели и совершенно не претендует на прояснение обсуждаемых и внутри самого Ордена вопросов, связанных с проблемами Игры и ее историей. Для объективного освещения этой темы время еще далеко не пришло. |
| Let no one, therefore, expect from us a complete history and theory of the Glass Bead Game. Even authors of higher rank and competence than ourself would not be capable of providing that at the present time. That task must remain reserved to later ages, if the sources and the intellectual prerequisites for the task have not previously been lost. Still less is our essay intended as a textbook of the Glass Bead Game; indeed, no such thing will ever be written. The only way to learn the rules of this Game of games is to take the usual prescribed course, which requires many years; and none of the initiates could ever possibly have any interest in making these rules easier to learn. | Пусть не ждут, стало быть, от нас исчерпывающей истории и теории игры в бисер; даже более достойные и искусные, чем мы, авторы сделать это сегодня не в состоянии. Эта задача остается за более поздними временами, если источники и духовные предпосылки для ее решения не исчезнут дотоле. И уж подавно не будет это наше сочинение учебником игры в бисер, такого учебника никогда не напишут. Правила этой игры игр нельзя выучить иначе, чем обычным, предписанным путем, на который уходят годы, да ведь никто из посвященных и не заинтересован в том, чтобы правила эти можно было выучить с большей легкостью. |
| These rules, the sign language and grammar of the Game, constitute a kind of highly developed secret language drawing upon several sciences and arts, but especially mathematics and music (and/or musicology), and capable of expressing and establishing interrelationships between the content and conclusions of nearly all scholarly disciplines. The Glass Bead Game is thus a mode of playing with the total contents and values of our culture; it plays with them as, say, in the great age of the arts a painter might have played with the colors on his palette. All the insights, noble thoughts, and works of art that the human race has produced in its creative eras, all that subsequent periods of scholarly study have reduced to concepts and converted into intellectual property — on all this immense body of intellectual values the Glass Bead Game player plays like the organist on an organ. And this organ has attained an almost unimaginable perfection; its manuals and pedals range over the entire intellectual cosmos; its stops are almost beyond number. Theoretically this instrument is capable of reproducing in the Game the entire intellectual content of the universe. These manuals, pedals, and stops are now fixed. Changes in their number and order, and attempts at perfecting them, are actually no longer feasible except in theory. Any enrichment of the language of the Game by addition of new contents is subject to the strictest conceivable control by the directorate of the Game. On the other hand, within this fixed structure, or to abide by our image, within the complicated mechanism of this giant organ, a whole universe of possibilities and combinations is available to the individual player. For even two out of a thousand stringently played games to resemble each other more than superficially is hardly possible. Even if it should so happen that two players by chance were to choose precisely the same small assortment of themes for the content of their Game, these two Games could present an entirely different appearance and run an entirely different course, depending on the qualities of mind, character, mood, and virtuosity of the players. | Эти правила, язык знаков и грамматика Игры, представляют собой некую разновидность высокоразвитого тайного языка, в котором участвуют самые разные науки и искусства, но прежде всего математика и музыка (или музыковедение), и который способен выразить и соотнести содержание и выводы чуть ли не всех наук. Игра в бисер – это, таким образом, игра со всем содержанием и всеми ценностями нашей культуры, она играет ими примерно так, как во времена расцвета искусств живописец играл красками своей палитры. Всем опытом, всеми высокими мыслями и произведениями искусства, рожденными человечеством в его творческие эпохи, всем, что последующие периоды ученого созерцания свели к понятиям и сделали интеллектуальным достоянием, всей этой огромной массой духовных ценностей умелец Игры играет как органист на органе, и совершенство этого органа трудно себе представить – его клавиши и педали охватывают весь духовный космос, его регистры почти бесчисленны, теоретически игрой на этом инструменте можно воспроизвести все духовное содержание мира. А клавиши эти, педали и регистры установлены твердо, менять их число и порядок в попытках усовершенствования можно, собственно, только в теории: обогащение языка Игры вводом новых значений строжайше контролируется ее высшим руководством. Зато в пределах этой твердо установленной системы, или, пользуясь нашей метафорой, в пределах сложной механики этого органа, отдельному умельцу Игры открыт целый мир возможностей и комбинаций, и чтобы из тысячи строго проведенных партий хотя бы две походили друг на друга больше чем поверхностно – это почти за пределами возможного. Даже если бы когда-нибудь два игрока случайно взяли для игры в точности одинаковый небольшой набор тем, то в зависимости от мышления, характера, настроения и виртуозности игроков обе эти партии выглядели и протекали бы совершенно по-разному. |
| How far back the historian wishes to place the origins and antecedents of the Glass Bead Game is, ultimately, a matter of his personal choice. For like every great idea it has no real beginning; rather, it has always been, at least the idea of it. We find it foreshadowed, as a dim anticipation and hope, in a good many earlier ages. There are hints of it in Pythagoras, for example, and then among Hellenistic Gnostic circles in the late period of classical civilization. We find it equally among the ancient Chinese, then again at the several pinnacles of Arabic-Moorish culture; and the path of its prehistory leads on through Scholasticism and Humanism to the academies of mathematicians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and on to the Romantic philosophies and the runes of Novalis’s hallucinatory visions. This same eternal idea, which for us has been embodied in the Glass Bead Game, has underlain every movement of Mind toward the ideal goal of a universitas litterarum, every Platonic academy, every league of an intellectual elite, every rapprochement between the exact and the more liberal disciplines, every effort toward reconciliation between science and art or science and religion. Men like Abelard, Leibniz, and Hegel unquestionably were familiar with the dream of capturing the universe of the intellect in concentric systems, and pairing the living beauty of thought and art with the magical expressiveness of the exact sciences. In that age in which music and mathematics almost simultaneously attained classical heights, approaches and cross-fertilizations between the two disciplines occurred frequently. And two centuries earlier we find in Nicholas of Cues sentences of the same tenor, such as this: “The mind adapts itself to potentiality in order to measure everything in the mode of potentiality, and to absolute necessity in order to measure everything in the mode of unity and simplicity as God does, and to the necessity of nexus in order to measure everything with respect to its peculiar nature; finally, it adapts itself to determinate potentiality in order to measure everything with respect to its existence. But furthermore the mind also measures symbolically, by comparison, as when it employs numerals and geometric figures and equates other things with them.” Incidentally, this is not the only one of Nicholas’s ideas that almost seems to suggest our Glass Bead Game, or corresponds to and springs from a similar branch of the imagination as the play of thought which occurs in the Game. Many similar echoes can be found in his writings. His pleasure in mathematics also, and his delight and skill in using constructions and axioms of Euclidean geometry as similes to clarify theological and philosophical concepts, likewise appear to be very close to the mentality of the Game. At times even his peculiar Latin (abounding in words of his own coinage, whose meaning, however, was perfectly plain to any Latin scholar) calls to mind the improvisatory agility of the Game’s language. | В сущности, только от усмотрения историка зависит то, к сколь далекому прошлому отнесет он начало и предысторию игры в бисер. Ведь, как у всякой великой идеи, у нее, собственно, нет начала, именно как идея Игра существовала всегда. Как идею, догадку и идеал мы находим ее прообраз во многих прошедших эпохах, например у Пифагора, затем в позднюю пору античной культуры, в эллинистическо-гностическом кругу, равным образом у древних китайцев, затем опять на вершинах арабско-мавританской духовной жизни, а потом след ее предыстории ведет через схоластику и гуманизм к математическим академиям XVII и XVIII веков и дальше к философам-романтикам и рунам магических мечтаний Новалиса. В основе всякого движения духа к идеальной цели universitas litterarum,[2] всякой платоновской академии, всякого общения духовной элиты, всякой попытки сближения точных и гуманитарных наук, всякой попытки примирения между искусством и наукой или между наукой и религией лежала все та же вечная идея, которая воплотилась для нас в игре в бисер. Таким умам, как Абеляр, как Лейбниц, как Гегель, несомненно, была знакома эта мечта – выразить духовный универсум концентрическими системами и соединить искусство с магической силой, свойственной формулировкам точных наук. В эпоху, когда музыка и математика переживали классический период почти одновременно, обе дисциплины часто дружили и оплодотворяли друг друга. А двумя столетиями раньше, у Николая Кузанского, мы находим положения из этой же сферы, например: «Ум перенимает форму потенциальности, чтобы все мерить модусом потенциальности, и форму абсолютной необходимости, чтобы все мерить модусом единства и простоты, как то делает бог, и форму необходимости связи, чтобы мерить все с учетом его своеобразия, наконец, он перенимает форму детерминированной потенциальности, чтобы мерить все в отношении к его существованию. Но ум мерит и символически, путем сравнения, как тогда, когда он пользуется числом и геометрическими фигурами и ссылается на них как на подобия». Впрочем, не только эта мысль Николая Кузанского почти уже указывает на нашу Игру, не только она одна соответствует и принадлежит направлению фантазии, напоминающему ее, Игры, умственные ходы; у него можно найти и много других подобных мест. Радость, доставляемая ему математикой, его пристрастие пояснять богословско-философские понятия на примере фигур и аксиом Евклидовой геометрии кажутся очень близкими психологии Игры, и даже его латынь – слова которой иной раз просто выдуманы, хотя любой латинист поймет их правильно, – даже она напоминает порой вольную пластичность языка Игры. |
| As the epigraph of our treatise may already have suggested, Albertus Secundus deserves an equal place among the ancestors of the Glass Bead Game. And we suspect, although we cannot prove this by citations, that the idea of the Game also dominated the minds of those learned musicians of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries who based their musical compositions on mathematical speculations. Here and there in the ancient literatures we encounter legends of wise and mysterious games that were conceived and played by scholars, monks, or the courtiers of cultured princes. These might take the form of chess games in which the pieces and squares had secret meanings in addition to their usual functions. And of course everyone has heard those fables and legends from the formative years of all civilizations which ascribe to music powers far greater than those of any mere art: the capacity to control men and nations. These accounts make of music a kind of secret regent, or a lawbook for men and their governments. From the most ancient days of China to the myths of the Greeks we find the concept of an ideal, heavenly life for men under the hegemony of music. The Glass Bead Game is intimately bound up with this cult of music (“in eternal transmutations the secret power of song greets us here below,” says Novalis). | В не меньшей мере к предтечам Игры принадлежит, как явствует уже из эпиграфа нашего сочинения, и Альбертус Секундус. Мы полагаем также, хотя не можем подтвердить это цитатами, что идея Игры владела и теми учеными музыкантами XVI, XVII и XVIII веков, что клали в основу своих музыкальных композиций математические рассуждения. В древних литературах то и дело встречаются легенды о мудрых и магических играх, которые были в ходу у монахов, ученых и при гостеприимных княжеских дворах, например, в виде шахмат, где фигуры и поля имели, кроме обычных, еще и тайные значения. И общеизвестны ведь рассказы, сказки и предания ранних периодов всех культур, приписывающие музыке, помимо чисто художественной силы, власть над душами и народами, которая превращает ее, музыку, не то в тайного правителя, не то в некий устав людей и их государств. От древнего Китая до сказаний греков сохраняет свою важность мысль об идеальной, небесной жизни людей под владычеством музыки. С этим культом музыки («меняясь вечно, смертным шлет привет музыки сфер таинственная сила» – Новалис) игра в бисер теснейшим образом связана. |
| Although we thus recognize the idea of the Game as eternally present, and therefore existent in vague stirrings long before it became a reality, its realization in the form we know it nevertheless has its specific history. We shall now attempt to give a brief account of the most important stages in that history. | Хотя идею Игры мы считаем вечной и потому всегда, задолго до ее осуществления, жившей в мире и о себе заявлявшей, ее осуществление в известной нам форме имеет свою историю, важнейшие этапы которой мы попытаемся кратко изложить. |
| The beginnings of the intellectual movement whose fruits are, among many others, the establishment of the Order and the Glass Bead Game itself, may be traced back to a period which Plinius Ziegenhalss, the historian of literature, designated as the Age of the Feuilleton, by which name it has been known ever since. Such tags are pretty, but dangerous; they constantly tempt us to a biased view of the era in question. And as a matter of fact the Age of the Feuilleton was by no means uncultured; it was not even intellectually impoverished. But if we may believe Ziegenhalss, that age appears to have had only the dimmest notion of what to do with culture. Or rather, it did not know how to assign culture its proper place within the economy of life and the nation. To be frank, we really are very poorly informed about that era, even though it is the soil out of which almost everything that distinguishes our cultural life today has grown. It was, according to Ziegenhalss, an era emphatically “bourgeois” and given to an almost untrammeled individualism. If in order to suggest the atmosphere we cite some of its features from Ziegenhalss’ description, we may at least do so with the confidence that these features have not been invented, badly drawn, or grossly exaggerated. For the great scholar has documented them from a vast number of literary and other sources. We take our cue from this scholar, who so far has been the sole serious investigator of the Feuilletonistic Age. As we read, we should remember that it is easy and foolish to sneer at the mistakes or barbarities of remote ages. Since the end of the Middle Ages, intellectual life in Europe seems to have evolved along two major lines. The first of these was the liberation of thought and belief from the sway of all authority. In practice this meant the struggle of Reason, which at last felt it had come of age and won its independence, against the domination of the Roman Church. The second trend, on the other hand, was the covert but passionate search for a means to confer legitimacy on this freedom, for a new and sufficient authority arising out of Reason itself. We can probably generalize and say that Mind has by and large won this often strangely contradictory battle for two aims basically at odds with each other. | Начало духовного движения, приведшего, в частности, к учреждению Ордена и к игре в бисер, относится к периоду истории, именуемому со времен основополагающих исследований историка литературы Плиния Цигенхальса и по его почину «фельетонной эпохой». Такие ярлыки красивы, но опасны и всегда подбивают на несправедливость к какому-то прошлому состоянию человечества; и фельетонная эпоха отнюдь не была ни бездуховной, ни даже духовно бедной. Но она, судя по Цигенхальсу, не знала, что ей делать со своей духовностью, вернее, не сумела отвести духовности подобающие ей место и роль в системе жизни и государства. По правде сказать, эпоху эту мы знаем очень плохо, хотя она и есть та почва, на которой выросло почти все, что характерно для нашей духовной жизни сегодня. Это была, по Цигенхальсу, в особенной мере «мещанская» и приверженная глубокому индивидуализму эпоха, и если мы, чтобы передать ее атмосферу, приводим некоторые черты по описанию Цигенхальса, то одно по крайней мере мы знаем уверенно: что черты эти не выдуманы, не сильно преувеличены или искажены, ибо большой ученый подтвердил их несметным множеством литературных и других документов. Присоединяясь к этому ученому, единственному пока, кто удостоил фельетонную эпоху серьезного исследования, мы не будем забывать, что нет ничего глупее и легче, чем смотреть свысока на заблуждения или дурные обычаи далеких времен. |
| Has the gain been worth the countless victims? Has our present structure of the life of the mind been sufficiently developed, and is it likely to endure long enough, to justify as worthwhile sacrifices all the sufferings, convulsions, and abnormalities: the trials of heretics, the burnings at stake, the many “geniuses” who ended in madness or suicide? For us, it is not permissible to ask these questions. History is as it has happened. Whether it was good, whether it would have been better not to have happened, whether we will or will not acknowledge that it has had “meaning” — all this is irrelevant. Thus those struggles for the “freedom” of the human intellect likewise “happened,” and subsequently, in the course of the aforementioned Age of the Feuilleton, men came to enjoy an incredible degree of intellectual freedom, more than they could stand. For while they had overthrown the tutelage of the Church completely, and that of the State partially, they had not succeeded in formulating an authentic law they could respect, a genuinely new authority and legitimacy. Ziegenhalss recounts some truly astonishing examples of the intellect’s debasement, venality, and self-betrayal during that period. | В развитии духовной жизни Европы было с конца средневековья, кажется, две важные тенденции: освобождение мысли и веры от какого-либо авторитарного влияния, то есть борьба разума, чувствующего свою суверенность и зрелость, против господства Римской церкви, и – с другой стороны – тайные, но страстные поиски узаконения этой его свободы, поиски нового авторитета, вытекающего из него самого и ему адекватного. Обобщая, можно, пожалуй, сказать, что в целом эту часто удивительно противоречивую борьбу за две в принципе противоположные цели дух выиграл. Оправдывает ли выигрыш бесчисленные жертвы, вполне ли достаточен нынешний порядок духовной жизни и достаточно ли долго будет он длиться, чтобы все страдания, судороги и ненормальности в судьбах множества «гениев», кончивших безумием или самоубийством, показались осмысленной жертвой, спрашивать нам не дозволено. История свершилась, а была ли она хороша, не лучше ли было бы обойтись без нее, признаем ли мы за ней «смысл» – все это не имеет значения. Итак, эти бои за «свободу» духа свершились и как раз в эту позднюю, фельетонную эпоху привели к тому, что дух действительно обрел неслыханную и невыносимую уже для него самого свободу, преодолев церковную опеку полностью, а государственную частично, но все еще не найдя настоящего закона, сформулированного и чтимого им самим, настоящего нового авторитета и законопорядка. Примеры унижения, продажности, добровольной капитуляции духа в то время, приводимые нам Цигенхальсом, отчасти и впрямь поразительны. |
| We must confess that we cannot provide an unequivocal definition of those products from which the age takes its name, the feuilletons. They seem to have formed an uncommonly popular section of the daily newspapers, were produced by the millions, and were a major source of mental pabulum for the reader in want of culture. They reported on, or rather “chatted” about, a thousand-and-one items of knowledge. It would seem, moreover, that the cleverer among the writers of them poked fun at their own work. Ziegenhalss, at any rate, contends that many such pieces are so incomprehensible that they can only be viewed as self-persiflage on the part of the authors. Quite possibly these manufactured articles do indeed contain a quantity of irony and self-mockery which cannot be understood until the key is found again. The producers of these trivia were in some cases attached to the staffs of the newspapers; in other cases they were free-lance scriveners. Frequently they enjoyed the high-sounding title of “writer,” but a great many of them seem to have belonged to the scholar class. Quite a few were celebrated university professors. Among the favorite subjects of such essays were anecdotes taken from the lives or correspondence of famous men and women. They bore such titles as “Friedrich Nietzsche and Women’s Fashions of 1870,” or “The Composer Rossini’s Favorite Dishes,” or “The Role of the Lapdog in the Lives of Great Courtesans,” and so on. Another popular type of article was the historical background piece on what was currently being talked about among the well-to-do, such as “The Dream of Creating Gold Through the Centuries,” or “Physico-chemical Experiments in Influencing the Weather,” and hundreds of similar subjects. When we look at the titles that Ziegenhalss cites, we feel surprise that there should have been people who devoured such chitchat for their daily reading; but what astonishes us far more is that authors of repute and of decent education should have helped to “service” this gigantic consumption of empty whimsies. Significantly, “service” was the expression used; it was also the word denoting the relationship of man to the machine at that time. In some periods interviews with well-known personalities on current problems were particularly popular. Ziegenhalss devotes a separate chapter to these. Noted chemists or piano virtuosos would be queried about politics, for example, or popular actors, dancers, gymnasts, aviators, or even poets would be drawn out on the benefits and drawbacks of being a bachelor, or on the presumptive causes of financial crises, and so on. All that mattered in these pieces was to link a well-known name with a subject of current topical interest. The reader may consult Ziegenhalss for some truly startling examples; he gives hundreds. As we have said, no doubt a goodly dash of irony was mixed in with all this busy productivity; it may even have been a demonic irony, the irony of desperation — it is very hard indeed for us to put ourselves in the place of those people so that we can truly understand them. But the great majority, who seem to have been strikingly fond of reading, must have accepted all these grotesque things with credulous earnestness. If a famous painting changed owners, if a precious manuscript was sold at auction, if an old palace burned down, if the bearer of an aristocratic name was involved in a scandal, the readers of many thousands of feature articles at once learned the facts. What is more, on that same day or by the next day at the latest they received an additional dose of anecdotal, historical, psychological, erotic, and other stuff on the catchword of the moment. A torrent of zealous scribbling poured out over every ephemeral incident, and in quality, assortment, and phraseology all this material bore the mark of mass goods rapidly and irresponsibly turned out. Incidentally, there appear to have been certain games which were regular concomitants of the feature article. The readers themselves took the active role in these games, which put to use some of their glut of information fodder. A long disquisition by Ziegenhalss on the curious subject of “Crossword Puzzles” describes the phenomenon. Thousands upon thousands of persons, the majority of whom did heavy work and led a hard life, spent their leisure hours sitting over squares and crosses made of letters of the alphabet, filling in the gaps according to certain rules. But let us be wary of seeing only the absurd or insane aspect of this, and let us abstain from ridiculing it. For these people with their childish puzzle games and their cultural feature articles were by no means innocuous children or playful Phacians. Rather, they dwelt anxiously among political, economic, and moral ferments and earthquakes, waged a number of frightful wars and civil wars, and their little cultural games were not just charming, meaningless childishness. These games sprang from their deep need to close their eyes and flee from unsolved problems and anxious forebodings of doom into an imaginary world as innocuous as possible. They assiduously learned to drive automobiles, to play difficult card games and lose themselves in crossword puzzles — for they faced death, fear, pain, and hunger almost without defenses, could no longer accept the consolations of the churches, and could obtain no useful advice from Reason. These people who read so many articles and listened to so many lectures did not take the time and trouble to strengthen themselves against fear, to combat the dread of death within themselves; they moved spasmodically on through life and had no belief in a tomorrow. | Признаёмся, мы не в состоянии дать однозначное определение изделий, по которым мы называем эту эпоху, то есть «фельетонов». Похоже, что они, как особо любимая часть материалов периодической печати, производились миллионами штук, составляли главную пищу любознательных читателей, сообщали или, вернее, «болтали» о тысячах разных предметов, и похоже, что наиболее умные фельетонисты часто потешались над собственным трудом, во всяком случае, Цигенхальс признается, что ему попадалось множество таких работ, которые он, поскольку иначе они были бы совершенно непонятны, склонен толковать как самовысмеивание их авторов. Вполне возможно, что в этих произведенных промышленным способом статьях таится масса иронии и самоиронии, для понимания которой надо сперва найти ключ. Поставщики этой чепухи частью принадлежали к редакциям газет, частью были «свободными» литераторами, порой даже слыли писателями-художниками, но очень многие из них принадлежали, кажется, и к ученому сословию, были даже известными преподавателями высшей школы. Излюбленным содержанием таких сочинений были анекдоты из жизни знаменитых мужчин и женщин и их переписка, озаглавлены они бывали, например, «Фридрих Ницше и дамская мода шестидесятых-семидесятых годов XIX века», или «Любимые блюда композитора Россини», или «Роль болонки в жизни великих куртизанок» и тому подобным образом. Популярны были также исторические экскурсы на темы, злободневные для разговоров людей состоятельных, например: «Мечта об искусственном золоте в ходе веков» или «Попытки химико-физического воздействия на метеорологические условия» и сотни подобных вещей. Читая приводимые Цигенхальсом заголовки такого чтива, мы поражаемся не столько тому, что находились люди, ежедневно его проглатывавшие, сколько тому, что авторы с именем, положением и хорошим образованием помогали «обслуживать» этот гигантский спрос на ничтожную занимательность, – «обслуживать», пользуясь характерным словцом той поры, обозначавшим, кстати сказать, и тогдашнее отношение человека к машине. Временами особенно популярны бывали опросы известных людей по актуальным проблемам, опросы, которым Цигенхальс посвящает отдельную главу и при которых, например, маститых химиков или виртуозов фортепианной игры заставляли высказываться о политике, любимых актеров, танцовщиков, гимнастов, летчиков или даже поэтов – о преимуществах и недостатках холостой жизни, о предполагаемых причинах финансовых кризисов и так далее. Важно было только связать известное имя с актуальной в данный миг темой; примеры, порой поразительнейшие, есть у Цигенхальса, он приводит их сотни. Наверно, повторяем, во всей этой деятельности присутствовала добрая доля иронии, возможно, то была даже демоническая ирония, ирония отчаяния, нам очень трудно судить об этом; но широкие массы, видимо очень любившие чтение, принимали все эти странные вещи, несомненно, с доверчивой серьезностью. Меняла ли знаменитая картина владельца, продавалась ли с молотка ценная рукопись, сгорал ли старинный замок, оказывался ли отпрыск древнего рода замешанным в каком-нибудь скандале – из тысяч фельетонов читатели не только узнавали об этих фактах, но в тот же или на следующий день получали и уйму анекдотического, исторического, психологического, эротического и всякого прочего материала по данному поводу; над любым происшествием разливалось море писанины, и доставка, сортировка и изложение всех этих сведений непременно носили печать наспех и безответственно изготовленного товара широкого потребления. Впрочем, к фельетону относились, нам кажется, и кое-какие игры, к которым привлекалась сама читающая публика и благодаря которым ее пресыщенность научной материей активизировалась, об этом говорится в длинном примечании Цигенхальса по поводу удивительной темы «Кроссворд». Тысячи людей, в большинстве своем выполнявших тяжелую работу и живших тяжелой жизнью, склонялись в свободные часы над квадратами и крестами из букв, заполняя пробелы по определенным правилам. Поостережемся видеть только комичную или сумасшедшую сторону этого занятия и воздержимся от насмешек над ним. Те люди с их детскими головоломками и образовательными статьями вовсе не были ни простодушными младенцами, ни легкомысленными феаками, нет, они жили в постоянном страхе среди политических, экономических и моральных волнений и потрясений, вели ужасные войны, в том числе гражданские, и образовательные их игры были не просто бессмысленным ребячеством, а отвечали глубокой потребности закрыть глаза и убежать от нерешенных проблем и страшных предчувствий гибели в как можно более безобидный фиктивный мир. Они терпеливо учились водить автомобиль, играть в трудные карточные игры и мечтательно погружались в решение кроссвордов – ибо были почти беззащитны перед смертью, перед страхом, перед болью, перед голодом, не получая уже ни утешения у церкви, ни наставительной помощи духа. Читая столько статей и слушая столько докладов, они не давали себе ни времени, ни труда закалиться от малодушия и побороть в себе страх смерти, они жили дрожа и не верили в завтрашний день. |
| For there was also a good deal of lecturing, and we must briefly discuss this somewhat more dignified variant of the feature article. Both specialists and intellectual privateers supplied the middle-class citizens of the age (who were still deeply attached to the notion of culture, although it had long since been robbed of its former meaning) with large numbers of lectures. Such talks were not only in the nature of festival orations for special occasions; there was a frantic trade in them, and they were given in almost incomprehensible quantities. In those days the citizen of a medium-sized town or his wife could at least once a week (in big cities pretty much every night) attend lectures offering theoretical instruction on some subject or other: on works of art, poets, scholars, researchers, world tours. The members of the audience at these lectures remained purely passive, and although some relationship between audience and content, some previous knowledge, preparation, and receptivity were tacitly assumed in most cases nothing of the sort was present. There were entertaining, impassioned, or witty lectures on Goethe, say, in which he would be depicted descending from a post chaise wearing a blue frock-coat to seduce some Strassburg or Wetzlar girl; or on Arabic culture; in all of them a number of fashionable phrases were shaken up like dice in a cup and everyone was delighted if he dimly recognized one or two catchwords. People heard lectures on writers whose works they had never read and never meant to, sometimes accompanied by pictures projected on a screen. At these lectures, as in the feature articles in the newspapers, they struggled through a deluge of isolated cultural facts and fragments of knowledge robbed of all meaning. To put it briefly, they were already on the verge of that dreadful devaluation of the Word which produced, at first in secret and within the narrowest circles, that ascetically heroic counter-movement which soon afterward began to flow visibly and powerfully, and ushered in the new self-discipline and dignity of the human intellect. | В ходу были и доклады, и об этой чуть более благородной разновидности фельетона мы тоже должны вкратце сказать. Помимо статей, и специалисты, и бандиты духовного поприща предлагали обывателям того времени, еще очень цеплявшимся за лишенное своего прежнего смысла понятие «образование», также множество докладов, причем не просто в виде торжественных речей, по особым поводам, а в порядке бешеной конкуренции и в неимоверном количестве. Житель города средних размеров или его жена могли приблизительно раз в неделю, а в больших городах можно было чуть ли не каждый вечер слушать доклады, теоретически освещавшие какую-нибудь тему – о произведениях искусства, писателях, ученых, исследователях, путешествиях по свету, – доклады, во время которых слушатель играл чисто пассивную роль и которые предполагали какое-то отношение слушателя к их содержанию, какую-то подготовку, какие-то элементарные знания, какую-то восприимчивость, хотя в большинстве случаев их не было и в помине. Читались занимательные, темпераментные и остроумные доклады, например о Гёте, где он выходил в синем фраке из почтовых карет и соблазнял страсбургских или вецларских девушек, или доклады об арабской культуре, в которых какое-то количество модных интеллектуальных словечек перетряхивалось, как игральные кости в стакане, и каждый радовался, если одно из них с грехом пополам узнавал. Люди слушали доклады о писателях, чьих произведений они никогда не читали и не собирались читать, смотрели картинки, попутно показываемые с помощью проекционного фонаря, и так же, как при чтении газетного фельетона, пробирались через море отдельных сведений, лишенных смысла в своей отрывочности и разрозненности. Короче говоря, уже приближалась ужасная девальвация слова, которая сперва только тайно и в самых узких кругах вызывала то героически-аскетическое противодействие, что вскоре сделалось мощным и явным и стало началом новой самодисциплины и достоинства духа. |
| It must be granted that many aspects of the intellectual life of that era showed energy and grandeur. We moderns explain its concomitant uncertainty and falseness as a symptom of the horror which seized men when at the end of an era of apparent victory and success they found themselves suddenly confronting a void: great material scarcity, a period of political and military crises, and an accelerating distrust of the intellect itself, of its own virtue and dignity and even of its own existence. Yet that very period, filled though it was with premonitions of doom, was marked by some very fine intellectual achievements, including the beginnings of a science of music of which we are the grateful heirs. But although it is easy to fit any given segment of the past neatly and intelligibly into the patterns of world history, contemporaries are never able to see their own place in the patterns. Consequently, even as intellectual ambitions and achievements declined rapidly during that period, intellectuals in particular were stricken by terrible doubts and a sense of despair. They had just fully realized (a discovery that had been in the air, here and there, from the time of Nietzsche on) that the youth and the creative period of our culture was over, that old age and twilight had set in. Suddenly everyone felt this and many bluntly expressed this view; it was used to explain many of the alarming signs of the time: the dreary mechanization of life, the profound debasement of morality, the decline of faith among nations, the inauthenticity of art. The “music of decline” had sounded, as in that wonderful Chinese fable; like a thrumming bass on the organ its reverberations faded slowly out over decades; its throbbing could be heard in the corruption of the schools, periodicals, and universities, in melancholia and insanity among those artists and critics who could still be taken seriously; it raged as untrammeled and amateurish overproduction in all the arts. Various attitudes could be taken toward this enemy who had breached the walls and could no longer be exorcised. Some of the best tacitly acknowledged and stoically endured the bitter truth. Some attempted to deny its existence, and thanks to the shoddy thinking of some of the literary prophets of cultural doom, found a good many weak points in their thesis. Moreover, those who took exception to the aforementioned prophets could be sure of a hearing and influence among the bourgeoisie. For the allegation that the culture he had only yesterday been proud to possess was no longer alive, that the education and art he revered could no longer be regarded as genuine education and genuine art, seemed to the bourgeois as brazen and intolerable as the sudden inflations of currency and the revolutions which threatened his accumulated capital. Another possible immunization against the general mood of doom was cynicism. People went dancing and dismissed all anxiety about the future as old-fashioned folly; people composed heady articles about the approaching end of art, science, and language. In that feuilleton world they had constructed of paper, people postulated the total capitulation of Mind, the bankruptcy of ideas, and pretended to be looking on with cynical calm or bacchantic rapture as not only art, culture, morality, and honesty, but also Europe and “the world” proceeded to their doom. Among the good there prevailed a quietly resigned gloom, among the wicked a malicious pessimism. The fact was that a breakdown of outmoded forms, and a degree of reshuffling both of the world and its morality by means of politics and war, had to take place before the culture itself became capable of real self-analysis and a new organization. | Неуверенность и неподлинность духовной жизни того времени, во многом другом отмеченного энергией и величием, мы, нынешние, объясняем как свидетельство ужаса, охватившего дух, когда он в конце эпохи вроде бы побед и процветания вдруг оказался лицом к лицу с пустотой: с большой материальной нуждой, с периодом политических и военных гроз, с внезапным недоверием к себе самому, к собственной силе и собственному достоинству, более того – к собственному существованию. Между тем на этот период ощущения гибели пришлось еще много очень высоких достижений духа, в числе прочего начало того музыковедения, благодарными наследниками которого являемся мы. Но любой отрезок прошлого поместить в мировую историю изящно и с толком нетрудно, а никакое настоящее время определить свое место в ней не способно, и потому тогда, при быстром падении духовных запросов и достижений до очень скромного уровня, как раз среди людей высокодуховных распространились ужасная неуверенность и отчаяние. Только что открыли (со времен Ницше об этом уже повсюду догадывались), что молодость и творческая пора нашей культуры прошли, что наступили ее старость и сумерки; и этим обстоятельством, которое вдруг все почувствовали, а многие резко сформулировали, люди стали объяснять множество устрашающих знамений времени: унылую механизацию жизни, глубокий упадок нравственности, безверие народов, фальшь искусства. Зазвучала, как в одной чудесной китайской сказке, «музыка гибели», как долгогремящий органный бас, раздавалась она десятки лет, разложением входила в школы, журналы, академии, тоской и душевной болезнью – в большинство художников и обличителей современности, которых еще следовало принимать всерьез, бушевала диким и дилетантским перепроизводством во всех искусствах. Были разные способы поведения перед лицом этого вторгшегося и уже не устранимого никаким волшебством врага. Можно было молча признать горькую правду и стоически сносить ее, это делали многие из лучших. Можно было пытаться отрицать ее ложью, и литературные глашатаи доктрины о гибели культуры выставляли для этого немало уязвимых мест; кроме того, всякий, кто вступал в борьбу с этими грозящими пророками, находил отклик и пользовался влиянием у мещанина, ибо утверждение, что культура, которой ты, казалось, еще вчера обладал и которой так гордился, уже мертва, что образование, любимое мещанином, что любимое им искусство уже не настоящее образование и не настоящее искусство, – это утверждение казалось ему не менее наглым и нестерпимым, чем внезапные инфляции и угрожавшие его капиталам революции. Кроме того, был еще циничный способ сопротивляться этому великому ощущению гибели: люди ходили танцевать и объявляли любые заботы о будущем допотопной глупостью, они с чувством пели в своих фельетонах о близком конце искусства, науки, языка и, с каким-то самоубийственным сладострастием констатируя в фельетонном мире, который сами же построили из бумаги, полную деморализацию духа, инфляцию понятий, делали вид, будто с циничным спокойствием или вакхическим восторгом смотрят на то, как погибают не только искусство, дух, нравственность, честность, но даже Европа и «мир» вообще. Среди людей добрых царил молчаливый и мрачный, среди дурных – язвительный пессимизм, и должна была сперва произойти ликвидация отжившего, какая-то перестройка мира и морали политикой и войной, прежде чем и культура стала способна действительно посмотреть на себя со стороны и занять новое место. |
| Yet during the decades of transition this culture had not slumbered. Rather, during the very period of its decay and seeming capitulation by the artists, professors, and feature writers, it entered into a phase of intense alertness and self-examination. The medium of this change lay in the consciences of a few individuals. Even during the heyday of the feuilleton there were everywhere individuals and small groups who had resolved to remain faithful to true culture and to devote all their energies to preserving for the future a core of good tradition, discipline, method, and intellectual rigor. We are today ignorant of many details, but in general the process of self-examination, reflection, and conscious resistance to decline seems to have centered mostly in two groups. The cultural conscience of scholars found refuge in the investigations and didactic methods of the history of music, for this discipline was just reaching its height at that time, and even in the midst of the feuilleton world two famous seminaries fostered an exemplary methodology, characterized by care and thoroughness. Moreover, as if destiny wished to smile comfortingly upon this tiny, brave cohort, at this saddest of times there took place that glorious miracle which was in itself pure chance, but which gave the effect of a divine corroboration: the rediscovery of eleven manuscripts of Johann Sebastian Bach, which had been in the keeping of his son Friedemann. A second focus of resistance to degeneration was the League of Journeyers to the East. The brethren of that League cultivated a spiritual rather than an intellectual discipline. They fostered piety and reverence, and to them we owe important elements in our present form of cultural life and of the Glass Bead Game, in particular the contemplative elements. The Journeyers also contributed to new insights into the nature of our culture and the possibilities of its continuance, not so much by analytical and scholarly work as by their capacity, based on ancient secret exercises, for mystic identification with remote ages and cultural conditions. Among them, for example, were itinerant instrumentalists and minstrels who were said to have the ability to perform the music of earlier epochs with perfect ancient purity. Thus they could play and sing a piece of music from 1600 or 1650 exactly as if all the subsequent modes, refinements, and virtuoso achievements were still unknown. This was an astonishing feat in a period in which the mania for dynamics and gradazione dominated all music-making, when the music itself was almost forgotten in discussions of the conductor’s execution and “conception.” When an orchestra of the Journeyers first publicly performed a suite from the time before Handel completely without crescendi and diminuendi, with the navet and chasteness of another age and world, some among the audience are said to have been totally uncomprehending, but others listened with fresh attention and had the impression that they were hearing music for the first time in their lives. In the League’s concert hall between Bremgarten and Morbio, one member built a Bach organ as perfectly as Johann Sebastian Bach would have had it built had he had the means and opportunity. Obeying a principle even then current in the League, the organ builder concealed his name, calling himself Silbermann after his eighteenth-century predecessor. | Между тем в переходные десятилетия культура эта не была погружена в сон, а как раз в период своей гибели и кажущейся капитуляции по вине художников, профессоров и фельетонистов достигла в сознании отдельных людей тончайшей чуткости и острейшей способности к самоконтролю. В самом расцвете эпохи фельетона повсюду были отдельные небольшие группы, полные решимости хранить верность духу и изо всех сил оберегать в эти годы ядро доброй традиции, дисциплины, методичности и интеллектуальной добросовестности. Насколько мы можем сегодня судить об этих явлениях, процесс самоконтроля, образумления и сознательного сопротивления гибели протекал главным образом в двух областях. Совесть ученых искала прибежища в исследованиях и методах обучения истории музыки, ибо эта наука как раз тогда была на подъеме, и внутри «фельетонного» мира два ставших знаменитыми семинара разработали образцово чистую и добросовестную методику. И словно сама судьба вздумала поощрить эти усилия крошечной когорты храбрецов, в самые мрачные времена произошло то дивное чудо, которое было вообще-то случайностью, но показалось божественным подтверждением: нашлись одиннадцать рукописей Иоганна Себастьяна Баха, принадлежавшие некогда его сыну Фридеману! Вторым местом сопротивления порче было Братство паломников в Страну Востока, члены которого занимались не столько воспитанием интеллекта, сколько воспитанием души, заботясь о благочестии и почтительности, – отсюда наша нынешняя форма гигиены духа и игры в бисер получила важные импульсы, особенно по части созерцания. Причастны были паломники в Страну Востока также к новому пониманию сущности нашей культуры и возможностей ее дальнейшей жизни – не столько благодаря научно-аналитическим достижениям, сколько благодаря своей основанной на давних и тайных упражнениях способности магического проникновения в отдаленные времена и состояния культуры. Были среди них, например, музыканты и певцы, относительно которых утверждают, что они обладали способностью исполнять музыку прежних эпох во всей ее старинной чистоте, играть, например, и петь музыку начала или середины XVII века в точности так, словно все позднейшие моды, утончения, виртуозные изыски еще неизвестны. Во времена, когда в музыкальной жизни царила страсть к динамике и аффектации и когда за исполнением и «трактовкой» дирижера почти забывали о самой музыке, это было нечто неслыханное; есть сведения, что, когда оркестр паломников в Страну Востока впервые публично исполнил одну сюиту догенделевской эпохи без всяких усилений и приглушений, с наивностью и чистотой другого времени и другого мира, часть слушателей осталась в полном недоумении, часть же насторожилась и подумала, что впервые в жизни слушает музыку. Один из членов Братства построил в его зале между Бремгартеном и Морбио баховский орган, совершенно такой, какой заказал бы себе Иоганн Себастьян Бах, будь у него на это средства и возможности. По правилу, действовавшему в Братстве уже тогда, строитель этого органа утаил свое имя и назвал себя Зильберманом – в честь своего предшественника, жившего в XVIII веке. |